Don’t Buy the Conservative Rebellion Against Corporations

As such, the Republican anti-corporate turn is entirely superficial. That’s a shame, because the concentration of corporate power has had a negative effect on American governance, leading to an age of inequality in which economic gains are mostly enjoyed by those in the highest income brackets. Since the 1970s, despite massive gains in productivity, most Americans have seen their wages rise very slowly, while the wealthiest have reaped almost all the gains of economic growth. That outcome was a policy choice, not an inevitability.

“Starting in the 1970s, the people in charge of designing and implementing the tax code increasingly favored those at the very top,” the political scientists Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson wrote in Winner-Take-All Politics. “The rich are getting fabulously richer while the rest of Americans are basically holding steady or worse.” Notably, they argued, this trend “is not obviously related to either the business cycle or the shifting partisan occupancy of the White House.”

Economists on the left have concluded that this is because the extremely wealthy have a stranglehold on American politics that prevents policy changes that would more fairly distribute economic gains. And that, in turn, helps explain the seemingly high stakes of the culture war over corporate-branding decisions: The concentration of corporate power means that large companies wield outsize cultural influence, and their policy priorities are more often translated into law than those with broader public support.

“One thing that is clear from the emerging evidence is that economic inequality reinforces differences in political and social power, and these in turn affect market outcomes,” the economist Heather Boushey, now a member of President Joe Biden’s Council of Economic Advisers, wrote in Unbound.

This diagnosis lends itself to certain solutions, some of which are apparent in the Biden administration’s agenda. Although in the past, Democratic Party policies have exacerbated the problem, in recent years, much of the party has moved left on economic issues and now appears to recognize the threat that extreme inequality represents. The obvious Republican insincerity on deficits, and the depth of the coronavirus crisis, expanded the horizon for Democrats as they contemplated policy changes. The design of generous unemployment provisions, direct-aid payments, and the recently passed child allowance, all of which disproportionately benefit the low-wage workers who have borne the brunt of the pandemic, reflected that new ambition, and Biden has already proposed modestly raising corporate tax rates in his infrastructure plan.

But reducing corporate power, and with it the grip of the wealthy on government, will require more than that. Strengthening organized labor through the PRO Act, which would make it easier to unionize, would provide a needed counterbalance to corporations. The Biden administration has also indicated a willingness to use antitrust regulations against tech firms that have amassed a stunning amount of power over Americans’ daily lives in the past few decades. Proposals from the left wing of the party to reestablish postal banking and mandate worker representation on corporate boards would further diminish the influence of the extremely wealthy.

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